From Liberación Total (July 29, 2011) via mass media:
During the evening of Thursday, July 28, two Santiago Municipality Citizen Safety guard posts were attacked.
The first attack happened at around 10 p.m., when masked perpetrators threw Molotov cocktails at a guard post located at the intersection of Calle Erasmo Escala and Calle Maipú. The resulting fire partially damaged the exterior, and the municipal guard stationed there sustained minor injuries after cutting himself while exiting through the window.
The second attack took place 20 minutes later, just meters from the first, at another Citizen Safety guard post located at the intersection of Calle Martínez de Rosas and Calle Maturana. There, the masked perpetrators forcibly removed the municipal guard before dousing the guard post with gasoline and pelting it with Molotov cocktails. The resulting fire completely destroyed the guard post.
Carabineros and Investigative Police (PDI) “intelligence” agents arrived at the scene of both incidents to investigate in an attempt to determine the perpetrators’ identities. Prosecutor Humberto Vásquez is leading the investigation, and he used the press to call on citizens to collaborate with the authorities’ information gathering, especially if any video recordings of the attacks exist.
Also present was Santiago mayor Pablo Zalaquett. The extreme rightist classified the incidents as anarchist attacks, adding that “those responsible will rot in prison” as an example to anyone else who dares to subvert authority.
The following text was found on leaflets at the sites of both attacks:
We condemn and avenge the beating of an unnamed comrade by Citizen Safety during the June 23 march.
We have witnessed how Citizen Safety, in complicity with the Carabineros, harasses and persecutes street vendors.
These municipal functionaries have been transformed into Zalaquett’s police, and since they are police, we will attack them as such.
No aggression will go unanswered.
From Culmine (July 22, 2011):
Theofilos Mavropoulos was arrested two months ago after being wounded during an armed confrontation with two police officers (who also got their share) in northern Athens. He spent several weeks at Red Cross Hospital before being transferred to a prison hospital and then to A Wing at Korydallos Prison. Below is his first full-length open letter.
The rebel is a kamikaze—someone who simply won’t accept the fate the machine has dealt her. That’s how you seek a life worth living. Those who completely reject this society have already faced the risk of death head-on. The struggle against the existent is an armed farewell. War or suicide.
—People Collaborating to Achieve Negation (Toward the Outside)*
On May 18, 2011, a comrade and I accidentally bumped into a mobile police unit in the Pefki neighborhood. They wanted to stop us and we tried to run, but we got fouled up (a police officer pounced on my colleague and immobilized him while he was trying to escape). Thus, wanting to extricate ourselves, I made the choice—the political choice—of armed confrontation. Wanting to flee from democracy’s armed mercenaries, since we couldn’t allow ourselves to surrender without a fight, I myself decided to take that risk, giving my comrade—who was unarmed—a chance to escape. He did so successfully, using the police patrol car itself, but I was unable to because of my wounds.
The reason why my comrade and I didn’t stop for a police ID check was because we had consciously chosen revolutionary clandestinity—the final, obligatory choice of those who refuse to allow the “Law” to imprison them.
Being underground means living on the edge of a knife, making complicated choices, and assuming a high level of risk. “Legality” is therefore of obvious use to a revolutionary entity.
Nevertheless, for revolutionaries who reach the dilemma of “whether to surrender or not,” how easy or difficult it is to “sell your own skin” depends on your previous experience with disobedience. Like the case of the “robbers in black,” who just a few years ago chose freedom underground over arrest and imprisonment, and especially Simos Seisidis, who refused to stop for a random ID check and lost his leg to police gunfire. Examples like theirs, among others, fill all our hearts with pride and strength.
Right now, I define myself as yet another revolutionary anarchist political prisoner in the hands of the State. A State that, in view of the gestating possibility of social unrest, is tightening its hold on its subjects and directly or indirectly abolishing many of its democratic pretexts (doing away with telephone anonymity, requiring that citizenship papers be carried, putting prices on certain peoples’ heads, releasing photos of those in struggle and imprisoning some of them on the basis of completely insubstantial evidence, making it illegal to mask up, etc.)
However, these measures are incapable of intimidating the generalized war of conscience that is underway. A polymorphic war, here and now, continually developing toward the goal of demolishing the existent. A revolutionary war. Without a beginning, middle, or end, but with many fronts. From open public assemblies to fiercely combative marches, from armed guerrilla attacks to the little everyday occurrences that make us evolve on an individual and collective level.
But for the anarchist/antiauthoritarian movement to be effective against the methodical maneuvering of the enemy, is must not be divided. False friendships, personality conflicts, maliciousness, and especially tolerance and acceptance of such behaviors and attitudes have to be replaced by unity and continual rejuvenation within the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu. At the moment, of course taking into account attempts at an organized internationalization of subversive action from Latin America to Europe, that urgency is more necessary than ever.
Additionally, the fact that the number of political prisoners has quickly increased as of late leads us to several conclusions. Apart from the matter of our solidarity, which has depth and substance when it is interactive and attacking, we must stress the need for revolutionary forces to always be one step ahead of the enemy. Winning a war doesn’t just require will and certain essential abilities. It also requires strategy. When your adversary is moving her pawns, you should be moving yours as well.
The way each one decides to fight is an individual choice and responsibility. Accordingly, starting from the individual, it’s enough to simply collectivize the common desire to fight Power. Political stability certainly has its part, but it’s also important to attempt to subvert that stability in order to reach something better.
The spread of anarchist/antiauthoritarian ideas plays a key role. Intensifying it quantitatively as well as qualitatively is essential. Also, in war, losses are a statistical certainty. However, potential revolutionaries aren’t solely motivated by their undesirable origins in the lower social strata. The complex of capitalist relationships and perspectives so dominates everyone’s life that the “worst off” can be found within every social and economic class. When human life has become just another product on the shelves of the market and its marketing, what’s the point of talking about cheap or expensive products when anything and everything has its price? Among the impoverished and exploited classes, there will doubtless be sound revolutionaries, but there will also be submissives, plenty of submissives.
All of you watching your children happily enjoying themselves in playgrounds and schoolyards today shouldn’t be surprised when you see them forming revolutionary alliances or taking part in armed attacks on Capital and the State tomorrow.
Thus, with coherence and persistence, as well as inexhaustible fighting spirit, you can achieve many things. Degrees of reconciliation may be different, but the goal remains the same, whether it sprouts up at assemblies in university auditoriums or comes blasting from the barrel of a gun: REVOLUTION FIRST AND FOREVER.
My fingerprints were found at the apartment in Kallithea and the apartment in Nea Ionia in Volos. I can’t take historical and political responsibility for belonging to the Fire Cells Conspiracy revolutionary organization because we never created that organization’s political discourse together. I also had certain disagreements with that discourse. Therefore, I am very clearly stating that I was never a member of the Fire Cells Conspiracy revolutionary organization.
But in no instance did those disagreements obstruct the path we walked together. I and my comrades in the Fire Cells Conspiracy evolved side-by-side, learning from one another and then—now stronger—taking action from a revolutionary perspective for the cause of freedom.
For those reasons, I proudly declare that I was PRESENT at the apartments in Kallithea and Volos, and I was also present in the lives of the members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy.
Recognizing their revolutionary activity, I stand in solidarity with all the imprisoned members of the organization, and I send them my comradely greetings.
May the pamphlet The Sun Still Rises be the prelude to a new, more relentless, more destructive, and more unyielding cycle of attacks. Comrades, whatever the cost, we will keep our heads high.
HONOR TO ANARCHIST LAMBROS FOUNTAS, MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE
SOLIDARITY WITH ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS
NO ONE WILL BE FREE UNTIL THE LAST PRISON IS DESTROYED
—Theofilos Mavropoulos; July 18, 2011; A Wing; Korydallos Prison
*Translators’ Note: This quote comes from a pamphlet published by four of our Thessaloniki comrades (Sokratis Tzifkas, Dimitris Dimitsiadis, Haralambos Stylianidis, and Dimitris Fessas) during their brief period underground (October 2010–January 2011) before being arrested for the arson of several Public Power Corporation (DEI) vehicles.
From Liberación Total (July 21 and 22, 2011) via mass media:
On Friday, July 22, anarchists Costa Ragusa, Billy Bernasconi, and Silvia Guerini were sentenced at the Federal Criminal Court in Bellinzona on charges of “conspiracy to commit arson” and “illegal trafficking of explosives” stemming from a thwarted attack on an IBM nanotechnology lab in Rüschlikon.
The charge of “illegal transport of explosives” fell apart since there was no solid evidence to corroborate any smuggling from Italy. Nevertheless, our comrades were sentenced to longer prison terms than those requested by the prosecutor.
Ragusa, 34 and a founder of the Italian anarchist group Il Silvestre, was sentenced to three years and eight months in prison. He was accused of masterminding the lab attack.
Bernasconi, 26 and a resident of Italy, was sentenced to three years and six months in prison, plus 22 days from a prior sentence.
Guerini, 29, was sentenced to three years and four months in prison.
Each of the three sentences will be reduced by one year and three months, which is the amount of time our comrades have spent in pretrial detention.
The verdicts and sentences were announced today in the first Fire Cells Conspiracy trial (the so-called “Halandri case,” which began on January 19), and the end results are not good. The three-member Athens Felony Court imposed even longer sentences than those requested by the prosecutor. The breakdown is as follows:
Haris Hatzimichelakis: Guilty of forming and belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing three explosive devices, and causing explosions with those devices at the Ministry of Macedonia-Thrace, the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 25 years in prison out of a total combined sentence of 77 years.
Panayiotis Argyrou: Guilty of forming and belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing three explosive devices, and causing explosions with those devices at the Ministry of Macedonia-Thrace, the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 25 years in prison out of a total combined sentence of 77 years.
Giorgos Karagiannidis: Guilty of belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing the explosive device used at the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and being an accomplice to the explosion at the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 20 years in prison out of a total combined sentence of 32 years.
Panayiotis Masouras: Guilty of belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing the explosive device used at the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and being an accomplice to the explosion at the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 11 years and 6 months in prison out of a total combined sentence of 19 years. Submitted an application for a suspended sentence, which was unanimously rejected despite the prosecutor’s willingness to accept it.
Konstantina Karakatsani: Guilty of belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing the explosive device used at the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and being an accomplice to the explosion at the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 11 years in prison out of a total combined sentence of 19 years. Submitted an application for a suspended sentence, which was unanimously rejected despite the prosecutor’s willingness to accept it.
Alexandros Mitrousias: Guilty of belonging to a terrorist organization, manufacturing and possessing the explosive device used at the home of former Interior Vice-Minister Panayiotis Hinofotis, and being an accomplice to the explosion at the home of PASOK ministers Louka Katseli and Gerasimos Arsenis. Sentenced to 11 years in prison out of a total combined sentence of 19 years. Refused to submit an application for a suspended sentence.
Manolis Yiospas: Guilty of three misdemeanors: two counts of robbery (stealing an official hospital stamp a Special Guard fines ledger) and one count of fraud (falsifying a student ID card). Sentenced to 2 years and 9 months in prison. Yiospas’ charges were based solely on objects found in his home, and had nothing whatsoever to do with the Fire Cells Conspiracy. The prosecutor initially requested that Yiospas be acquitted, and after the prison sentence was announced the prosecutor then proposed a three-year suspended sentence, which the court accepted.
Nikos Vogiatzakis: Acquitted of all charges due to lack of evidence.
Errikos Rallis: Acquitted of all charges due to lack of evidence.
Excluding Yiospas, these are the very first sentences ever handed down under the so-called “Antiterrorist Law 2.” It’s also important to note that the sentences apply to ethical/intellectual responsibility for the bombings in question, not physical responsibility. The actual physical perpetrators of the bombings are still considered to be unknown.
An extenuating circumstance in the sentences of Masouras, Karakatsani, Mitrousias, and Yiospas was that their “crimes” were commited before reaching the age of 21, and a further extenuating circumstance in Yiospas’s sentence was his “good behavior” during the six months he spent in prison, given that he didn’t release a single statement or open letter.
Our comrades’ friends and relatives, as well as their defense attorneys, were stunned by the severity of the sentences, especially considering the Court’s finding that most of the accused were only involved in the Fire Cells Conspiracy for the span of a few months.
We will fully update our comrades’ contact information as soon as it becomes available.
From Act for Freedom Now! (July 15, 2011):
For correspondence and communication with the imprisoned members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy Revolutionary Organization, their updated postal addresses are as follows:
Grevena General Detention Facility
51 100 Grevena
35 010 Domokos
35 010 Domokos
Korydallos Judicial Prison
18 110 Korydallos
Korydallos Judicial Prison
18 110 Korydallos
Komotini Judicial Prison
69 100 Komotini
Corfu Closed Prison
49 100 Corfu
Eleonas–Thebes General Detention Facility
32 200 Thebes
Trikala Closed Prison
42 100 Trikala
For improved, more direct communication, a general post office box will soon be set up, and its address will be published on Athens Indymedia.
At least 6,600 prisoners throughout California are currently on some form of hunger strike in support of the demands made by prisoners in the Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit (SHU), who initiated their hunger strike on July 1. The strikers have already rejected a vague, insubstantial offer from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). For all the latest on this story, Prisoner Hunger Strike Solidarity has you covered. Much love and respect to the prisoners, everywhere.